Injustice cannot last forever

Injustice cannot last forever

Personal Account: danilo C. Vizmanos jr

Second of a series of personal accounts about martial law in the Philippines

I work at Meat Hygiene Inspection, Ontario Central Operations, Canadian Food Inspection Agency.

I was a student in my sophomore year when Martial Law (ML) was declared. When news of the suspension of writ of habeas corpus broke out, there were lots of commotion and pandemonium-like atmosphere inside the confines of the College of Arts and Sciences ( A.S.) building at University of the Philippines. Diliman campus. I guess it might have been the same for the other colleges but to a lesser degree as A.S. as we call it was the bastion of activism in the whole Diliman campus. The word spread like fire and set the precedent for other events to unfold.

These events seem to have been orchestrated in a calculated manner to justify the declaration of ML, otherwise known as Proclamation 1081. Most Filipinos who closely followed the events as they unfolded must be still familiar with the ambush of the car bearing ex-vice president and Liberal Party stalwart, Emmanuel Pelaez and soon after a bomb explosion in front of a shoe store close to Plaza Miranda (could have been an exercise or a dry run of some sort), then the main event which was the bombing of the opposition Liberal Party rally at Plaza Miranda itself (equivalent to the Freedom Square in Cairo, Egypt). Several innocent spectators including a decorated press photographer were killed and scores of others injured including prominent opposition figures like Senators Jovito Salonga, Ramon Mitra, Eva Estrada-Kalaw, John Osmena, to name a few.

To even the playing field, there was also the attempted ambush of the car bearing Mr. Marcos’s Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile who didn’t even get a single scratch. The timing was more to justify ML because this occurred sometime, if I’m not mistaken, after the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus.

After the writ suspension, it didn’t take long before ML was declared as seen by millions of Filipinos on TV with Mr. Marcos himself delivering the speech. I might have heard the announcement several times over the radio because stations kept replaying the speech. On my way home, I can see people huddled in numbers watching TV or listening to the radio.

DANILO VIZMANOZ JR

Uneasy Calm

The following day, there was an uneasy calm with little or no activity on the streets as if the world stood still. The only radio station on the air voicing protest and opposition and broadcasting credible and reliable information was Radio Diliman at the U.P. Diliman campus. Student activists took turns lambasting ML and the U.S.-Marcos clique interpreting the events that unfolded to a higher level. It was able to go on air for quite a while and I tuned in at every opportunity to get a clearer picture and true character of ML contrary to its portrayal by the Marcos dictatorship. At about this time, the military could have been actively searching to arrest the leading student activists and opposition figures. Most of them must taken refuge in safehouses. I wanted to see for myself so I went with my father Capt. Danilo P. Vizmanos, PN, AFP (Philippine Navy, Armed Forces of the Philippines) to one such place. There, I met some familiar faces of the student movement like Ericson Baculinao, who was UP Student Council chairman, Julius Fortuna from the university belt , Leoncio Co, and Chito Sta. Romana among others. They seemed to be closely watching the developments and monitoring every move of the fascist elements.

Disiplina ang Kailangan

The days following the declaration, more print and voice ads were being churned out of the propaganda machine either to justify ML or give it credit with a standing ovation. The all too familiar phrase like “Sa ikauunlad ng bayan, disiplina ang kailangan” became a byword. This catch phrase did not seem to fit well with Ariel Ureta (showbiz emcee and comedian) who got incarcerated and forced into community service after announcing in his show “Sa ikauunlad ng bayan, bisikleta ang kailangan”

UP Diliman campus was the last stand with its Radio Diliman as the only voice of freedom. Words spread that the police and the military would occupy and control the legally autonomous campus. The Quezon City Police were at the forefront of this anticipated operation. When classes resumed the following week, the progressive elements of the U.P. campus community including faculty and non-academic personnel were all busy fortifying the fortress. They were setting up barricades of any form to prevent the anticipated entrance by force of the fascist elements. After a protest march to rally support within the campus, we proceeded to the University Ave. , the main thoroughfare leading to the administration building and the Oblation. About 800 meters from the Oblation near the guardhouses on both sides, we formed a human barricade. We stood our ground as the truncheon wielding riot police were approaching. They were in full gear with shields and stood by some distance from us for a while perhaps awaiting orders from their superiors. After a while, they started to move and as they got closer a tear gas canister exploded right in front of us. The smoke was extremely irritating to the bare skin with a burning sensation. We were forced to retreat to find safer grounds and our ranks fell apart as a result. What surprised me was the warm reception we received at a nearby community. These folks offered everything we asked for. They had first-aid kits at hand, towels, and water to wash off the irritant gas. They even offered some food to eat.

Huge Barricades

The police was able to surge through our first barricade with relative ease but they had a harder time approaching the huge barricades of class room chairs on the way to the A.S. doorsteps. They were met with pillboxes and Molotov cocktails in return for their tear gas canisters. As tensions grew, they seemed to be getting impatient until we heard what seemed to be sounds coming from gun fire. People started fleeing in all directions and the avenue leading to the A.S. was an ugly mess with lots of scattered debris and tires burning.The following day, I was surprised the incident didn’t get media’s attention. There was a total news blackout.

After about a year to my surprise, MV Karagatan was on the headline of one of the government controlled dailies which named my father with his photo alongside other perpetrators. From my knowledge, the others including a woman were actually prominent activists. The motor vessel (MV) Karagatan was reported to be carrying loads of firearms for the New Peoples’ Army (NPA). I’ve never heard anything about this and I just thought why the NPA would attempt to smuggle such a big load into the shores of Luzon. It seems too good to be true. Isn’t there a smarter way to do this? One only has to look closer to learn that it has the pattern and makings of a propaganda designed both to neutralize or annihilate the opposition by any means imaginable or to justify imposition of ML. Could the Plaza Miranda bombing be any different? When I went back to the school after the campus had been occupied by the military, I saw a huge graffiti on the building façade of the Arts and Sciences just by the steps to the main entrance which read “MARCOS- MAD BOMBER” right beside an image of Hitler with a swastika. The stacks of room chairs several feet high which served as a barricade across the street near the stairs to the A.S.’s main entrance were still there.

This barricade reminded me of a very fine officer and gentleman of the U.P. ROTC Corps, Lt. Danilo Delfin, commander of the model company (Ryadillo), the unit where I belonged. He was a smart talented officer with a commanding presence and a valiant posture. Being with the Vanguard fraternity which took the moderate side during the UP student Council elections , it was exceptional for him to side with the radicals who were branded leftists at the time. Unfortunately, a fascist bullet hit and crippled him to the wheelchair as he was trying to defend the campus barricades. He exemplified the many heroes trying to resist ML who either got maimed or killed- the likes of Edgar Jopson, Crispin Tagamolila and countless others who sacrificed their lives fighting for freedom. These are talented, decent, and well educated youth who would have contributed to the country in the right direction.

The late Capt. Danilo P. Vizmanos of the Philippine Navy. He resigned from the military and joined the anti-dictatorship movement.

My father changed his political views after his assignment as member of the elite AFP composite unit Inspector General . They were sent to Tay Ninh where the CAGFU (Civic Action Group Unit) was based. He saw first hand the devastation being inflicted and learned of the atrocities being committed by the American and South Vietnamese forces. He became inquisitive and started reading a lot of materials on the struggles of the Vietnamese people against the French occupation. He also got enthusiastic about the Chinese people’s struggle for liberation from the Kuomintang which had the support of the west.

FQS

Towards the 1970’s he closely followed the political developments and student activism which culminated in the First Quarter Storm. By this time he was already in acquaintance with writers and columnists critical of the Marcos regime. The National Press Club building by the McArthur Bridge spanning the Pasig River was a meeting place for him with other progressive journalists. It also held press conferences before ML. He had a keen appetite for writing. Just before his resignation in 1975 he came up with the second of his controversial papers on the recognition of the People’s Republic of China presented as a thesis to the National Defense College. As expected, it created a controversy and the panel wanted it revised to which he refused. In 1975, due to conflict of principles and unwillingness to serve an institution which he perceived was a puppet fascist machinery, he resigned from the AFP. His thesis which could have earned him a promotion never got through, thanks to Gen. Fabian Ver, Marcos’ henchman. In the same year (three years after ML was declared) my father was taken into custody by elements of the CSU (Constabulary Security Unit). The ISAFP (Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines) and the notorious MISG (Military Intelligence Services Group) to which the deceased Col. Abadilla belonged were other familiar terms They came in a convoy of several vehicles. My father received them with calm and composure. Nevertheless, our house was searched all over. Cabinets, drawers, bags, and everything which they suspected might contain incriminating evidence were opened. They left empty handed. Despite this invasion of privacy which left our house in a mess , my father related to them in a civil manner. The head of the raiding party was also from our province of Cavite.

Capt. Vizmanos Arrested

After he was led away, we never got any news from him until after a couple of weeks and got permission to visit him only after another week. Only immediate family was allowed, so it was my mother, brother and four sisters who went to visit him at Bicutan detention center. I first saw him washing dishes and as he turned in our direction he felt a sigh of relief and looked relatively fine but seem to have lost weight. Later, we learned that he was also blindfolded and handcuffed after his arrest on the way to the detention center. Shortly after having lunch he revealed the plight he went through – about the truth serum, the interrogation perhaps with physical insults since he was blindfolded so he could not see his tormentors. I could sense that he did not want to reveal everything in graphic details. I could feel the anguish being felt by my mother. If they could do this to a senior officer of the AFP, what more with the other detainees.
Others may have suffered a lot more with the brutal use of familiar torture practices like water cure, genital electrocution, and plastic bag suffocation among others. I also gathered from him that others. I also gathered from him that their tormentors had a loose sense of discipline often under the influence of liquor. Sometimes he could even overhear them bragging how they subjected the other detainees to humiliation, physical insults and inhumane suffering.

My father was transferred from one stockade to another. In between, I met a lot of familiar faces some of whom I’ve seen on TV like Nilo Tayag, founder of Kabataang Makabayan (KM), Bernabe Buscayno (Alias Kumander Dante, NPA), Luis Taruc (Bagong Hukbo ng Bayan, BHB), Col. Dante Simbulan, Philippine Army (PA), AFP, and many others who figured prominently in the pre and post martial period. Years in activity with no end in sight seemed like the longest ordeal for him. The worst part as he put it was the solitary confinement or bartolina in a more familiar term, to which he was subjected to at the beginning. It is inhumane, even worse than how an animal may be treated. No contact whatsoever from the outside world and not a thing to preoccupy one’s .The only breaks he got were when he has to come blindfolded time and again to the interrogation room to face his tormentors.

Conviction Unchanged

After more than two years he was finally released thanks for the intercession of a distant relative. Mr. Enrile happened to be his kumpare (sponsor to a Christened child) but I’m not aware of the details. Despite his ordeal, he somehow maintained composure and his conviction remained unchanged. He preoccupied himself by writing three more books- Through the Eye of the Storm, Martial law Diary, and A Matter of Conviction. He was also active in the parliament of the streets and served in various pro-people organizations such as Bayan and SELDA.

One of my uncles (from my mother side) was trying to rationalize the connection my father had with his grandfather. My great grandfather who joined the Katipunan fighting the Spanish colonizers before the turn of the century was from Gen. Trias, Cavite (Malabon). What I found out from him was that the town of Malabon was among the first to rise up in arms against the Spaniards. I had a fond memory of him, paid him a visit on a regular basis until he passed away. I came to realize the heritage and the values he must have passed on to my father.

The highlights of the Radio Diliman’s day to day broadcasting before it fell to the fascist hands are enough to explain why during ML the bad grossly outweighed whatever we then saw was superficial piecemeal impact projects which are incapable of self sustenance. The Green Revolution and Masagana 99 were examples of this. What I witnessed was an unprecedented opening of gates to the devastating floods of abuse and unmitigated corruption which now pervades the bureaucracy, the military and every aspect of public life. Worse, it has invaded the moral fabric of our society at such catastrophic costs imaginable. It has let loose an armed monster to which the civilian government has no absolute control. What ensued was massive drain of resources, civilian governments held hostage by the military and sequentially a breakdown in governance and a social volcano waiting to erupt.

To determine who benefited most from martial law needs no further analysis. To begin with, we have to trace the origin of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. Basically, it started as the Philippine Constabulary established by the American colonizers to pursue and round up the discredited and forgotten at that time. Fighting against foreign domination and control of our socio-political and economic well being were Macario Sakay, Gen. Malvar, Gen. Lukban, Gen. del Pilar, and Asedillo to name a few. Several decades down the road, the AFP’s true character all the more came to light when martial law was declared. It remained a tool for repression and still defending a constitution framed most entirely by constituent by-products of an educational system designed to suit colonial interests. This assembly of men who framed the constitution have no choice but to capitulate and relinquish national interest for political convenience and economic gains.

Widespread Poverty

After a comprehensive analysis, it can be concluded that ML was just a culmination of a syndrome. What lies underneath is the ever growing contradiction between the broad masses of the Filipino people vis-a -vis the feudal state of the means of production, foreign capital monopoly, and the bureaucrat capitalist serving as comprador. These compradors are the present day vassals overlooking the affairs in exchange for military and other perks from the overlords. The overlord or foreign master looking after imperialist interests in the country needs no further introduction including their agents and lackeys. We now see an uneven playing field where the majority of the Filipino people are either tilling the land as serfs in the countryside or laborers in the factories in the suburban areas. Such a state of affairs will bring about a growing number of people getting impoverished but a fewer number getting richer by the day. Never before in the Philippines has poverty become so widespread there seems to be no end in sight.

Patronage Politics

Martial law has also taught that political power not only grows out from the power of a gun but also grows out of the pocket too. Remember how Marcos cronies and the favored henchmen in the military got rich. Patronage politics best describes this legacy of Mr. Marcos and it remained entrenched in the fabric of traditional politics throughout the country. Familiar with the coined word votebuying? The 3 G’s- goons, guns, and gold. Would this enhance genuine democratic representation?

It has been said time and again that all things that have reached their limit to the extreme eventually come to an end. The repression under ML was no exception. There is no way that injustice can linger forever because it motivates the people to take action and destroy it. There is this dynamic of change which is the collective will of the people. It can never stagnate or be static. Given the leadership and the right direction, it will rush like a whirlwind past the gates of darkness and into the light of freedom and self-determination.